《论工业社会及其未来》

2019-12-11 本文已影响0人高梵1991

卡钦斯基：论工业社会及其未来

大学炸弹客泰德.卡辛斯基1995年发表的《论工业社会及其未来》英中对照全文。中文译文基于1996年中国文史出版社《轰炸文明——发往人类未来的死亡通知单》，原译者王小东。

INTRODUCTION

介绍

The Industrial Revolution and itsconsequences have been a disaster for the human race. They have greatlyincreased the life-expectancy of those of us who live in "advanced"countries, but they have destabilized society, have made life unfulfilling,have subjected human beings to indignities, have led to widespreadpsychological suffering (in the Third World to physical suffering as well) andhave inflicted severe damage on the natural world. The continued development oftechnology will worsen the situation. It will certainly subject human beings togreater indignities and inflict greater damage on the natural world, it willprobably lead to greater social disruption and psychological suffering, and itmay lead to increased physical suffering even in "advanced"countries.

工业革命及其后果为人类带来了极大的灾难。这两者极大地增加了我们这些生活在“发达”国家的人口的预期寿命，但也破坏了社会的稳定性，令生活空虚无谓，剥夺了人类的尊严，导致了心理疾病的扩散（以及第三世界里的生理疾病扩散），还严重地破坏了自然界。技术的继续发展将令上述情况进一步恶化。人类尊严必将遭到进一步剥夺，自然界也必将遭到进一步破坏。社会也很可能遭到进一步扰乱，心理困扰将会加剧，而生理疾病甚至将会在“发达”国家蔓延开来。

The industrial-technological system maysurvive or it may break down. If it survives, it MAY eventually achieve a lowlevel of physical and psychological suffering, but only after passing through along and very painful period of adjustment and only at the cost of permanentlyreducing human beings and many other living organisms to engineered productsand mere cogs in the social machine. Furthermore, if the system survives, theconsequences will be inevitable: There is no way of reforming or modifying thesystem so as to prevent it from depriving people of dignity and autonomy.

工业-技术体系可能幸存也可能崩溃。假如该体系幸存下来，可能最终将会降低生理与心理的痛苦水平，但在此之前必须经历一段漫长而痛苦的调整期，而且人类与众多其他生命体也将付出惨重代价，永远沦为社会机器上的齿轮。更有甚者，假如这个体系幸存下来，将会导致不可避免的后果：没有任何方法能够改革或改进这一体系，使之不至于剥夺人的尊严与自主。

If the system breaks down theconsequences will still be very painful. But the bigger the system grows themore disastrous the results of its breakdown will be, so if it is to break downit had best break down sooner rather than later.

假如这一体系崩溃，结果依旧会十分痛苦。但是体系规模越大，崩溃造成的结果就越可怕。因此假如真要崩溃的话最好赶早不赶迟。

We therefore advocate a revolutionagainst the industrial system. This revolution may or may not make use ofviolence: it may be sudden or it may be a relatively gradual process spanning afew decades. We can't predict any of that. But we do outline in a very generalway the measures that those who hate the industrial system should take in orderto prepare the way for a revolution against that form of society. This is notto be a POLITICAL revolution. Its object will be to overthrow not governmentsbut the economic and technological basis of the present society.,

所以我们主张发动针对工业体系的革命。这场革命可能使用或不使用暴力，可能突然完成也可能在几十年时间里相对循序渐进地进行。我们无法预测这一点。但是我们的确为那些憎恨工业体系的人们勾勒了一套十分宽泛的方法，从而为反对这一特定社会形式的革命铺平道路。这不是一场政治革命。革命目标并非推翻政府，而是颠覆现存社会的经济与技术基础。

In this article we give attention toonly some of the negative developments that have grown out of theindustrial-technological system. Other such developments we mention onlybriefly or ignore altogether. This does not mean that we regard these otherdevelopments as unimportant. For practical reasons we have to confine our discussionto areas that have received insufficient public attention or in which we havesomething new to say. For example, since there are well-developed environmentaland wilderness movements, we have written very little about environmentaldegradation or the destruction of wild nature, even though we consider these tobe highly important.

本文中我们仅仅关注了工业-技术体系所产生的所有负面发展中的一部分。其他此类发展我们则仅仅稍微提了一提或者干脆完全忽略了。这并不意味着我们认为此类负面发展不重要。出于实际考量我们必须将讨论范围局限于未曾获得足够公众注意或者我们有话要说的领域。例如，鉴于目前已经有了进展得力的环保与自然运动，我们对于环境恶化或自然破坏的话题并未多费笔墨，尽管我们认为这些问题极为重要。

THE PSYCHOLOGY OF MODERN LEFTISM

现代左派主义的心理

Almost everyone will agree that we livein a deeply troubled society. One of the most widespread manifestations of thecraziness of our world is leftism, so a discussion of the psychology of leftismcan serve as an introduction to the discussion of the problems of modernsociety in general.

几乎所有人都会同意我们生活在一个深度动荡的社会。我们这个社会的疯狂有许多广为传播的表现，左派主义就是其中之一。因此讨论左派主义心理有助于进一步开展针对现代社会一般性问题的讨论。

But what is leftism? During the firsthalf of the 20th century leftism could have been practically identified withsocialism. Today the movement is fragmented and it is not clear who canproperly be called a leftist. When we speak of leftists in this article we havein mind mainly socialists, collectivists, "politically correct"types, feminists, gay and disability activists, animal rights activists and thelike. But not everyone who is associated with one of these movements is aleftist. What we are trying to get at in discussing leftism is not so much amovement or an ideology as a psychological type, or rather a collection ofrelated types. Thus, what we mean by "leftism" will emerge moreclearly in the course of our discussion of leftist psychology (Also, seeparagraphs 227-230.)

但是左派主义是什么呢？在二十世纪前半段左派主义就等同于社会主义。今天这一运动已经分崩离析了，也很难说怎样的人才算是左派主义者。本文中所谓的左派主义者包括社会主义者、集体主义者、“政治正确”人士、女权主义者、同性恋与残疾人活动者，动物权益保护者以及其他类似群体。但并非所有与此类活动有所牵扯的人都一定是左派主义者。我们这里打算讨论的并非左派主义运动或者意识形态，而是左派运动的心理类型或者相关心理类型的集合。我们笔下“左派主义”的含义将会随着我们对于左派主义心理的讨论而越发清晰。（见227-230段）

Even so, our conception of leftism willremain a good deal less clear than we would wish, but there doesn't seem to beany remedy for this. All we are trying to do is indicate in a rough andapproximate way the two psychological tendencies that we believe are the maindriving force of modern leftism. We by no means claim to be telling the WHOLEtruth about leftist psychology. Also, our discussion is meant to apply tomodern leftism only. We leave open the question of the extent to which ourdiscussion could be applied to the leftists of the 19th and early 20th century.

尽管如此，我们对于左派主义的概念依然赶不上我们的希望那样清晰，但是看来在这方面完全无计可施。我们在这里只想以粗略的方式指出我们眼中驱动现代左派主义的两大心理趋势。我们不敢声称已经穷尽了左派心理的所有事实。我们的讨论也仅局限于现代左派主义。至于我们的讨论究竟在多大程度上可以应用于十九世纪以及二十世纪初期的左派主义者，在此姑且存而不论。

The two psychological tendencies thatunderlie modern leftism we call "feelings of inferiority" and"oversocialization." Feelings of inferiority are characteristic ofmodern leftism as a whole, while oversocialization is characteristic only of acertain segment of modern leftism; but this segment is highly influential.

我们将奠定现代左派主义基础的两股心理趋势称为“自卑感”与“过度社会化。自卑感是现代左派主义的整体特征，而过度社会化则仅仅是现代左派主义某些派别的特征，但是这一派别极有影响力。

FEELINGS OF INFERIORITY

自卑感

By "feelings of inferiority" we mean not only inferiority feelings in the strictest sense but a whole spectrum of related traits: low self-esteem, feelings of powerlessness, depressive tendencies, defeatism, guilt, self-hatred, etc. We argue that modern leftists tend to have such feelings (possibly more or less repressed) and that these feelings are decisive in determining the direction of modern leftism.

我们口中的“自卑感”不仅意味着最严格意义上的自卑感，还包括一系列十分广泛的相关特征：自尊低下、无力感、抑郁、失败主义、负罪感以及自我憎恨等等。我们认为现代左派主义者倾向于有上述感受（可能受到了一定程度的压抑），这些感受对于决定现代左派主义的方向起着决定性的作用。

When someone interprets as derogatory almost anything that is said about him (or about groups with whom he identifies) we conclude that he has inferiority feelings or low self-esteem. This tendency is pronounced among minority rights advocates, whether or not they belong to the minority groups whose rights they defend. They are hypersensitive about the words used to designate minorities. The terms "negro," "oriental," "handicapped" or "chick" for an African, an Asian, a disabled person or a woman originally had no derogatory connotation. "Broad" and "chick" were merely the feminine equivalents of "guy," "dude" or "fellow." The negative connotations have been attached to these terms by the activists themselves. Some animal rights advocates have gone so far as to reject the word "pet" and insist on its replacement by "animal companion." Leftist anthropologists go to great lengths to avoid saying anything about primitive peoples that could conceivably be interpreted as negative. They want to replace the word "primitive" by "nonliterate." They seem almost paranoid about anything that might suggest that any primitive culture is inferior to our own. (We do not mean to imply that primitive cultures ARE inferior to ours. We merely point out the hypersensitivity of leftish anthropologists.)

当某人将几乎一切针对他（或者他所认同的群体）所说的话均理解为贬损时，我们就认为此人有自卑感或低自尊。少数群体权益拥护者就体现了这一趋向，无论他们自身是否从属于该群体。他们对于指代少数群体的名词极为敏感。指代黑人、亚洲人、残疾人与女性的“黑鬼（negro）”、“东方人（oriental）”、“残废（handicapped）”与“妞（chick）”就原意来说并不包含贬低意味。“娘们（broad）”与“妞”只是“爷们（guy）”“哥们（dude，fellow）”的女性对应称谓。正是活动家们自己为这些名词附加了负面含义。有些动物权益活动家们甚至拒绝使用“宠物”一词，而以“动物伴侣”取而代之。左派人类学家们十分费力地避免使用任何可能被理解为负面含义的言辞来形容原始民族，他们还想把“原始（primitive）”替换成“不文（nonliterate）”任何可能暗示原始文化比他们的文化更为低劣的言辞都令他们几乎要疑神疑鬼。（我们在此不打算暗示原始文化比我们的文化更为低劣。我们仅仅想要指出左派人类学家极为敏感的表现。）

Those who are most sensitive about "politically incorrect" terminology are not the average black ghetto-dweller, Asian immigrant, abused woman or disabled person, but a minority of activists, many of whom do not even belong to any "oppressed" group but come from privileged strata of society. Political correctness has its stronghold among university professors, who have secure employment with comfortable salaries, and the majority of whom are heterosexual, white males from middle-class families.

对于“政治正确”术语最为敏感的人并非一般的贫民区黑人居民、亚洲移民，遭受虐待的女性或者残疾人，而是一小部分活动家，他们当中有许多人甚至都不属于任何“受压迫”群体，而是出身于地位更高的社会阶层。政治正确的据点是大学教授，他们有稳定的工作与丰厚的薪金，以中产阶级出身异性恋白人男性为主。

Many leftists have an intense identification with the problems of groups that have an image of being weak (women), defeated (American Indians), repellent (homosexuals), or otherwise inferior. The leftists themselves feel that these groups are inferior. They would never admit it to themselves that they have such feelings, but it is precisely because they do see these groups as inferior that they identify with their problems. (We do not suggest that women, Indians, etc., ARE inferior; we are only making a point about leftist psychology).

许多左派主义者对于那些在形象上软弱（女性）、失败（印第安原住民）、令人反感（同性恋）等等的群体所遭遇的问题有着十分强烈的认同感。他们绝不会自认拥有此类感情，但正是因为他们认为这些群体低人一等才会认同他们遭遇的问题。（我们并未暗示女性与印第安人等群体低人一等，我们仅仅在解释左派主义者的心理。）

Feminists are desperately anxious to prove that women are as strong as capable as men. Clearly they are nagged by a fear that women may NOT be as strong and as capable as men.

女权主义者极为急切地想要证明女性与男性一样强壮有力。很明显女性可能不像男性一样强壮有力的恐惧令她们十分不安。

Leftists tend to hate anything that has an image of being strong, good and successful. They hate America, they hate Western civilization, they hate white males, they hate rationality. The reasons that leftists give for hating the West, etc. clearly do not correspond with their real motives. They SAY they hate the West because it is warlike, imperialistic, sexist, ethnocentric and so forth, but where these same faults appear in socialist countries or in primitive cultures, the leftist finds excuses for them, or at best he GRUDGINGLY admits that they exist; whereas he ENTHUSIASTICALLY points out (and often greatly exaggerates) these faults where they appear in Western civilization. Thus it is clear that these faults are not the leftist's real motive for hating America and the West. He hates America and the West because they are strong and successful.

左派主义者倾向于憎恨一切给人留下强大、优秀与成功印象的事物。他们憎恨美国，他们憎恨西方文明，他们憎恨白人男性，他们憎恨理性。左派主义者们之所以憎恨西方等事物的原因显然与他们的真正动机不符。他们说他们之所以憎恨西方是因为西方喜好战争、推行帝国主义、性别歧视以及种族中心论等等，但当这些问题出现在社会主义国家或者原始文化当中时，左派主义者们总会为其寻找借口，至多也仅仅是勉强承认其存在，同时则十分积极地（并经常夸大其词地）指出西方文明中出现的同样问题。因此很显然这些问题并非左派主义者憎恨美国与西方的真正原因。他们憎恨美国与西方是因为它们强大而成功。

Words like "self-confidence," "self-reliance," "initiative", "enterprise," "optimism," etc. play little role in the liberal and leftist vocabulary. The leftist is anti-individualistic, pro-collectivist. He wants society to solve everyone's needs for them, take care of them. He is not the sort of person who has an inner sense of confidence in his own ability to solve his own problems and satisfy his own needs. The leftist is antagonistic to the concept of competition because, deep inside, he feels like a loser.

“自信”、“自立”、“自主”、“进取”以及“乐观”之类的词汇在自由派与左派主义者的用语当中起不到多少作用。左派主义者反对个人主义，支持集体主义。他们希望社会解决每个人的需求并照料他们。他内心深处对于依靠自己的能力解决自己的问题并满足自己的需求毫无信心。左派主义者是竞争这一概念的天敌，因为他在内心深处感觉像是个失败者。

Art forms that appeal to modern leftist intellectuals tend to focus on sordidness, defeat and despair, or else they take an orgiastic tone, throwing off rational control as if there were no hope of accomplishing anything through rational calculation and all that was left was to immerse oneself in the sensations of the moment.

吸引现代左派主义知识分子的艺术形式倾向于关注污秽、失败与绝望，或者采取狂欢基调，放弃理性控制，似乎已经无望通过理性计算实现任何目的，只得将自己彻底沉浸于当下的感官刺激当中。

Modern leftist philosophers tend to dismiss reason, science, objective reality and to insist that everything is culturally relative. It is true that one can ask serious questions about the foundations of scientific knowledge and about how, if at all, the concept of objective reality can be defined. But it is obvious that modern leftist philosophers are not simply cool-headed logicians systematically analyzing the foundations of knowledge. They are deeply involved emotionally in their attack on truth and reality. They attack these concepts because of their own psychological needs. For one thing, their attack is an outlet for hostility, and, to the extent that it is successful, it satisfies the drive for power. More importantly, the leftist hates science and rationality because they classify certain beliefs as true (i.e., successful, superior) and other beliefs as false (i.e. failed, inferior). The leftist's feelings of inferiority run so deep that he cannot tolerate any classification of some things as successful or superior and other things as failed or inferior. This also underlies the rejection by many leftists of the concept of mental illness and of the utility of IQ tests. Leftists are antagonistic to genetic explanations of human abilities or behavior because such explanations tend to make some persons appear superior or inferior to others. Leftists prefer to give society the credit or blame for an individual's ability or lack of it. Thus if a person is "inferior" it is not his fault, but society's, because he has not been brought up properly.

现代左派主义哲学家倾向于蔑视理性、科学与客观现实，并坚持一切都在文化上都是相对的。诚然，人们可以就科学知识的基础以及如何（假如可以的话）在概念上定义客观事实提出严肃的问题。但是显然现代左派主义哲学家们并不仅仅是头脑冷静的逻辑学家，他们的所作所为也不是对于知识基础进行系统性分析。他们在攻击真理与事实时投入了大量的感情。他们攻击这些概念是因为自己的心理需求。他们的攻击行为是对自身敌意的发泄，假如这种攻击取得成功，还能满足他们的权欲。更重要的是，左派主义者们憎恨科学与理性是因为它们将特定信仰归类为真（成功、高等）而将其他信仰归类为假（失败、低等）。左派主义者的自卑感如此深厚以至于他无法容忍对于事物进行任何成功/高等与失败/低等的分类。还有许多左派主义者以此为基础反对精神疾病的概念与智商测试的实用性。左派主义者尤为反对从基因角度解释人类能力或表现，因为此类解释会使一部分人显得比另一部分人更为高等或低等。左派主义者更喜欢将个人能力或能力缺乏归功或归罪于社会。因此假如某人较为“低等”，这并非本人的错误，而是社会的错误，因为他没有得到适当的培养。

The leftist is not typically the kind of person whose feelings of inferiority make him a braggart, an egotist, a bully, a self-promoter, a ruthless competitor. This kind of person has not wholly lost faith in himself. He has a deficit in his sense of power and self-worth, but he can still conceive of himself as having the capacity to be strong, and his efforts to make himself strong produce his unpleasant behavior. [1] But the leftist is too far gone for that. His feelings of inferiority are so ingrained that he cannot conceive of himself as individually strong and valuable. Hence the collectivism of the leftist. He can feel strong only as a member of a large organization or a mass movement with which he identifies himself.

左派主义者并非那种会因为自卑感而夸夸其谈、自高自大、欺凌他人、自我吹捧以致无情竞争的典型人物。此类人物并未完全丧失对自己的信心。他在权力与自我价值的认知方面有缺陷，他他依然可以想象自己强大有力的样子，正是他令自己强大的努力才导致了这种种令人不快的行为。[1] 然而左派主义者已经远远超过了这一阶段。他的自卑感如此根深蒂固，以至于她无法想象自己可以成为一名强大且有价值的个人。因此左派主义者信奉集体主义。他仅仅在身为大型组织或大规模运动的一员时才能感到强大。

[1]. (Paragraph 19) We are asserting that ALL, or even most, bullies and ruthless competitors suffer from feelings of inferiority.

[1]（第19段）我们断言，所有或者至少大多数欺辱他人或者无情竞争的人都有自卑感。

Notice the masochistic tendency of leftist tactics. Leftists protest by lying down in front of vehicles, they intentionally provoke police or racists to abuse them, etc. These tactics may often be effective, but many leftists use them not as a means to an end but because they PREFER masochistic tactics. Self-hatred is a leftist trait.

注意左派主义者们行动策略中的自虐倾向。左派主义者经常躺在车轮前进行抗议，有意识挑逗警察或种族主义者对自身施暴。这些策略往往有效。但是许多左派主义者使用此类策略并非单纯当做手段，而是因为他们更偏好自虐性的策略。自我憎恨是左派主义者的特征。

Leftists may claim that their activism is motivated by compassion or by moral principle, and moral principle does play a role for the leftist of the oversocialized type. But compassion and moral principle cannot be the main motives for leftist activism. Hostility is too prominent a component of leftist behavior; so is the drive for power. Moreover, much leftist behavior is not rationally calculated to be of benefit to the people whom the leftists claim to be trying to help. For example, if one believes that affirmative action is good for black people, does it make sense to demand affirmative action in hostile or dogmatic terms? Obviously it would be more productive to take a diplomatic and conciliatory approach that would make at least verbal and symbolic concessions to white people who think that affirmative action discriminates against them. But leftist activists do not take such an approach because it would not satisfy their emotional needs. Helping black people is not their real goal. Instead, race problems serve as an excuse for them to express their own hostility and frustrated need for power. In doing so they actually harm black people, because the activists' hostile attitude toward the white majority tends to intensify race hatred.

左派主义者可能声称他们的活动动机是同情或者道德原则，道德原则对于过度社会化的左派主义者也的确有作用。但是同情或者道德原则不会是左派主义活动的主要动机。左派主义者的活动当中有着太过突出的敌意，因此其最要动机是权欲。更有甚者，许多左派主义者在进行活动时并没有为了维护他们声称想要帮助的群体的权益而进行理性计算。例如，如果一个人认为黑人平权行动对黑人有益，那么采取敌对化或教条化的平权行动有意义吗？很明显，与那些认为平权行动对他们造成歧视的白人们打交道时，采取灵活怀柔的手段并至少作出一些口头和象征性的让步将更富有成效。但左派主义活动家们不采取这种做法，因为它无法满足他们的情感需要。帮助黑人不是他们真正的目标。相反，他们将种族问题作为借口借以表达自己的敌意与追求权力而不可得的沮丧。他们的作法实际上伤害了黑人，因为这些活动家对待白人多数的敌对态度倾向于加强种族仇恨。

If our society had no social problems at all, the leftists would have to INVENT problems in order to provide themselves with an excuse for making a fuss.

如果我们的社会并没有上述所有的问题，左派将不得不发明新的问题，从而为自己提供无病呻吟的借口。

We emphasize that the foregoing does not pretend to be an accurate description of everyone who might be considered a leftist. It is only a rough indication of a general tendency of leftism.

我们强调，上述论述未必对于每一个可能被视为左派主义者的人都十分准确，这只是对于左派主义总趋势的粗略概括。

OVERSOCIALIZATION

过度社会化

Psychologists use the term "socialization" to designate the process by which children are trained to think and act as society demands. A person is said to be well socialized if he believes in and obeys the moral code of his society and fits in well as a functioning part of that society. It may seem senseless to say that many leftists are over-socialized, since the leftist is perceived as a rebel. Nevertheless, the position can be defended. Many leftists are not such rebels as they seem.

心理学家使用“社会化”这个术语表示训练儿童使之按照社会的要求去思考和行动的过程。一个得到良好社会化的人相信并服从他所属社会的道德准则，并且很适应作为社会正常运作一部分的身份。说许多左派主义者过度社会化可能看起来毫无意义，因为左派主义者一般被视为反叛者。然而这一主张可以得到辩护。许多左派都不像看上去那样反叛。

The moral code of our society is so demanding that no one can think, feel and act in a completely moral way. For example, we are not supposed to hate anyone, yet almost everyone hates somebody at some time or other, whether he admits it to himself or not. Some people are so highly socialized that the attempt to think, feel and act morally imposes a severe burden on them. In order to avoid feelings of guilt, they continually have to deceive themselves about their own motives and find moral explanations for feelings and actions that in reality have a non-moral origin. We use the term "oversocialized" to describe such people. [2]

我们社会的道德准则如此严苛，以至于没有人能以完全道德的方式进行思考、感受与行动。例如，我们不应该去恨任何人，但几乎每个人都曾经一度痛恨过其他什么人，不论他是否向自己承认。有些人的社会化程度如此之高，以至于完全道德地思考、感受与行动的企图为他们带来了严重的负担。为了避免罪恶感，他们不断地就自己的动机欺骗自己，为那些在现实当中有着非道德起源的感受和行动寻找道德解释。我们使用“过度社会化”这一术语来形容这样的人。[2]

[2]. (Paragraph 25) During the Victorian period many oversocialized people suffered from serious psychological problems as a result of repressing or trying to repress their sexual feelings. Freud apparently based his theories on people of this type. Today the focus of socialization has shifted from sex to aggression.

[2]（第25段）在维多利亚时期许多过度社会化的人们都因为试图压抑性欲而遭受了严重的心理问题。显然弗洛伊德以这些人为基础构建了自己的理论。今天社会化的重点已经从性欲转向了攻击性。

Oversocialization can lead to low self-esteem, a sense of powerlessness, defeatism, guilt, etc. One of the most important means by which our society socializes children is by making them feel ashamed of behavior or speech that is contrary to society's expectations. If this is overdone, or if a particular child is especially susceptible to such feelings, he ends by feeling ashamed of HIMSELF. Moreover the thought and the behavior of the oversocialized person are more restricted by society's expectations than are those of the lightly socialized person. The majority of people engage in a significant amount of naughty behavior. They lie, they commit petty thefts, they break traffic laws, they goof off at work, they hate someone, they say spiteful things or they use some underhanded trick to get ahead of the other guy. The oversocialized person cannot do these things, or if he does do them he generates in himself a sense of shame and self-hatred. The oversocialized person cannot even experience, without guilt, thoughts or feelings that are contrary to the accepted morality; he cannot think "unclean" thoughts. And socialization is not just a matter of morality; we are socialized to confirm to many norms of behavior that do not fall under the heading of morality. Thus the oversocialized person is kept on a psychological leash and spends his life running on rails that society has laid down for him. In many oversocialized people this results in a sense of constraint and powerlessness that can be a severe hardship. We suggest that oversocialization is among the more serious cruelties that human beings inflict on one another.

过度社会化可导致低自尊、无力感、失败主义以及内疚等，我们对儿童进行社会化的最重要手段之一是使他们对于与社会期望相反行为或言语感到羞愧。如果做过了头，或者如果某个孩子特别容易受到这种感情的影响，他就会为自己感到羞愧。此外过度社会化的人与轻度社会化的人相比更容易在思想与行为上受到社会期待的限制。大多数人都会做出不道德的行为。他们撒谎，他们小偷小摸，他们违反交通法规，他们在工作中偷懒，他们讨厌别人，他们说别人的坏话或者使用卑劣的花招来出人头地。过度社会化的人不能做这些事情，如果他做了就会为自己感到羞耻，还会自我仇恨。他不能想“不干净”的念头。而且社会化不只是一个道德问题，我们遭到社会化之后遵守的许多规范或表现都不属于道德的认定范围。因此，过度社会化的人在心理上被狗链拴着，一辈子都在社会铺设的轨道上运行。对于许多过度社会化的人来说这都会导致约束感和无力感，令其十分难熬。我们认为过度社会化是人类对彼此造成最严重的暴行。

We argue that a very important and influential segment of the modern left is oversocialized and that their oversocialization is of great importance in determining the direction of modern leftism. Leftists of the oversocialized type tend to be intellectuals or members of the upper-middle class. Notice that university intellectuals [3] constitute the most highly socialized segment of our society and also the most left-wing segment.

我们认为，当代左派当中一个非常重要且有影响力的派系就是过度社会化份子，他们的过度社会化对于确定现代左派主义的前进方向十分重要。过度社会化类型的左派主义者往往是知识分子和上层中产阶层的成员。请注意，大学知识分子 [3] 构成了我们的社会中社会化程度最高的部分，也是最左派的部分。

[3]. (Paragraph 27) Not necessarily including specialists in engineering "hard" sciences.

[3]（第27段）未必一定包括研究“硬”科学的专家。

The leftist of the oversocialized type tries to get off his psychological leash and assert his autonomy by rebelling. But usually he is not strong enough to rebel against the most basic values of society. Generally speaking, the goals of today's leftists are NOT in conflict with the accepted morality. On the contrary, the left takes an accepted moral principle, adopts it as its own, and then accuses mainstream society of violating that principle. Examples: racial equality, equality of the sexes, helping poor people, peace as opposed to war, nonviolence generally, freedom of expression, kindness to animals. More fundamentally, the duty of the individual to serve society and the duty of society to take care of the individual. All these have been deeply rooted values of our society (or at least of its middle and upper classes (4) for a long time. These values are explicitly or implicitly expressed or presupposed in most of the material presented to us by the mainstream communications media and the educational system. Leftists, especially those of the oversocialized type, usually do not rebel against these principles but justify their hostility to society by claiming (with some degree of truth) that society is not living up to these principles.

过度社会化类型的左派主义者试图挣脱自己的心理狗链，通过反叛来维护他的自主权。但通常他不够强大，无法反抗社会最基本的价值。一般而言，今天的左派主义者的目标与公认的道德并不冲突。恰恰相反，左派主义者接受公认的道德原则，当做自己的原则，然后指责主流社会违反该原则。例如：种族平等，男女平等，帮助穷人，和平或反战，一般的非暴力行为，言论自由，善待动物，等等。从根本上说就是个人服务社会的责任与社会照顾个人的责任。所有这些很长一段时间以来都已经深深植根于我们的社会价值当中，或至少是社会的中产阶级和上层阶级 [4] 主流传播媒体与教育体系呈现给我们的大多数都材料或明或暗地明示或暗示了这些价值。左派主义者，尤其是那些过度社会化类型的左派主义者，通常不会反叛这些原则，而是通过声称社会辜负了这些原则（在一定程度上的确如此）来为自己对社会的敌意进行辩护。

[4]. (Paragraph 28) There are many individuals of the middle and upper classes who resist some of these values, but usually their resistance is more or less covert. Such resistance appears in the mass media only to a very limited extent. The main thrust of propaganda in our society is in favor of the stated values.

[4]（第28段）很多中产阶级和上层阶级个人反对这些价值当中的一部分，但通常他们的反对或多或少都是隐蔽的。这种反对仅仅在出现在大众媒体当中一个非常有限的范围内。我们社会的宣传主旨是支持上述指明的价值。

The main reasons why these values have become, so to speak, the official values of our society is that they are useful to the industrial system. Violence is discouraged because it disrupts the functioning of the system. Racism is discouraged because ethnic conflicts also disrupt the system, and discrimination wastes the talent of minority-group members who could be useful to the system. Poverty must be "cured" because the underclass causes problems for the system and contact with the underclass lowers the moral of the other classes. Women are encouraged to have careers because their talents are useful to the system and, more importantly because by having regular jobs women become better integrated into the system and tied directly to it rather than to their families. This helps to weaken family solidarity. (The leaders of the system say they want to strengthen the family, but they really mean is that they want the family to serve as an effective tool for socializing children in accord with the needs of the system. We argue in paragraphs 51,52 that the system cannot afford to let the family or other small-scale social groups be strong or autonomous.)

可以这么说，这些价值观成为官方价值观的原因是因为它们对于工业体系有用。暴力遭到阻碍，因为它会破坏体系的功能。种族主义遭到阻碍，因为种族冲突会扰乱体系运行，歧视可能对体系有用的少数群体成员则会造成人才浪费。贫困必须被“治愈”，因为下层阶级会给体系造成问题，其他阶级在接触下层阶级时士气也会下降。鼓励妇女创立自己的事业是因为她们的才能对体系有利，更重要的是因为经常性工作的女性更容易整合到体系当中，并直接与体系而不是家庭相联系，这有助于削弱家庭凝聚力。（体系的领导人说，他们希望加强家庭，但他们真正的意思是他们希望家庭根据体系的需求成为儿童社会化的有效工具。我们在第51、52段认为体系不敢让家庭或其他小规模社会群体真正强大自主起来）。

Here is an illustration of the way in which the oversocialized leftist shows his real attachment to the conventional attitudes of our society while pretending to be in rebellion against it. Many leftists push for affirmative action, for moving black people into high-prestige jobs, for improved education in black schools and more money for such schools; the way of life of the black "underclass" they regard as a social disgrace. They want to integrate the black man into the system, make him a business executive, a lawyer, a scientist just like upper-middle-class white people. The leftists will reply that the last thing they want is to make the black man into a copy of the white man; instead, they want to preserve African American culture. But in what does this preservation of African American culture consist? It can hardly consist in anything more than eating black-style food, listening to black-style music, wearing black-style clothing and going to a black-style church or mosque. In other words, it can express itself only in superficial matters. In all ESSENTIAL respects more leftists of the oversocialized type want to make the black man conform to white, middle-class ideals. They want to make him study technical subjects, become an executive or a scientist, spend his life climbing the status ladder to prove that black people are as good as white. They want to make black fathers "responsible." they want black gangs to become nonviolent, etc. But these are exactly the values of the industrial-technological system. The system couldn't care less what kind of music a man listens to, what kind of clothes he wears or what religion he believes in as long as he studies in school, holds a respectable job, climbs the status ladder, is a "responsible" parent, is nonviolent and so forth. In effect, however much he may deny it, the oversocialized leftist wants to integrate the black man into the system and make him adopt its values.

下面来表现一下过度社会化左派主义者如何显示他对于社会传统观念的真实依赖，同时还假装反抗。许多左派主义者都支持平权运动，支持黑人获得地位更高的工作，提高黑人学校教学质量并向此类学校追加投资，他们认为黑人“下层阶级”的存在是社会的耻辱。他们希望将黑人整合到体系中，使他成为企业主管，律师，科学家，就像上层中产阶级的白人一样。左派主义者会回答说他们最不想做的就是使黑人男子成为白人的翻版，相反，他们要保留美国黑人文化。但是保存美国黑人文化是什么意思呢？几乎无非就是吃黑人风格的食物，听着黑人风格的音乐，穿着黑人风格的服装，修建黑人风格的教堂或清真寺。换句话说，黑人只可以在表面问题上表达自己。而在所有根本方面，过度社会化的左派主义者都希望黑人符合白人中产阶层的理想。他们希望让他学习技术学科，成为行政人员或科学家，耗费人生向上爬从而证明自己并不比白人更差。他们希望黑人父亲 “负责”。他们希望黑人帮派放弃暴力。但这些正是工业技术体系的价值观。该体系不在乎一个人听什么样的音乐，穿什么样的衣服，信什么宗教，只要他在学校上学，拥有体面的工作，攀登等级阶梯，是一个“负责任”的父亲，不使用暴力等等。实际上，无论过度社会化的左派主义者如何否认这一点，他实际上是要将黑人整合到体系中并让他接受体系的价值观。

We certainly do not claim that leftists, even of the oversocialized type, NEVER rebel against the fundamental values of our society. Clearly they sometimes do. Some oversocialized leftists have gone so far as to rebel against one of modern society's most important principles by engaging in physical violence. By their own account, violence is for them a form of "liberation." In other words, by committing violence they break through the psychological restraints that have been trained into them. Because they are oversocialized these restraints have been more confining for them than for others; hence their need to break free of them. But they usually justify their rebellion in terms of mainstream values. If they engage in violence they claim to be fighting against racism or the like.

我们当然并不声称左派主义者，甚至是过度社会化的左派主义者，从不反抗我们社会的基本价值观。显然他们有时会这么做。一些过度社会化的左派主义者甚至还反抗现代社会最重要的原则之一，采用了肢体暴力。他们认为暴力对他们来说是一种“解放”。换句话说，他们通过暴力冲破了习得的心理制约。因为他们过度社会化，这些制约对他们的限制效果更强；因此他们需要打破这些制约。但是，他们通常用主流价值观为自己的反叛辩护。如果他们从事暴力活动，他们就声称自己是在打击种族主义。

We realize that many objections could be raised to the foregoing thumb-nail sketch of leftist psychology. The real situation is complex, and anything like a complete description of it would take several volumes even if the necessary data were available. We claim only to have indicated very roughly the two most important tendencies in the psychology of modern leftism.

我们认识到，对于上述左派主义者的心理素描可以提出许多反对意见。真实的情况是复杂的，即使提供必要的数据，进行完整描述也需要好几卷的篇幅。我们只打算非常粗略地概述两个最重要的现代左派主义者心理倾向。

The problems of the leftist are indicative of the problems of our society as a whole. Low self-esteem, depressive tendencies and defeatism are not restricted to the left. Though they are especially noticeable in the left, they are widespread in our society. And today's society tries to socialize us to a greater extent than any previous society. We are even told by experts how to eat, how to exercise, how to make love, how to raise our kids and so forth.

左派主义者的问题表明了我们的社会作为整体的问题。低自尊，抑郁倾向和失败不仅限于左派，这些问题广泛存在于我们的社会，虽然在左派尤其明显。今天的社会与以往任何社会相比都试图在更大程度上将我们社会化。甚至还有专家告诉我们怎么吃，如何运动，如何做爱，如何教育子女等等。

THE POWER PROCESS

权力过程

Human beings have a need (probably based in biology) for something that we will call the "power process." This is closely related to the need for power (which is widely recognized) but is not quite the same thing. The power process has four elements. The three most clear-cut of these we call goal, effort and attainment of goal. (Everyone needs to have goals whose attainment requires effort, and needs to succeed in attaining at least some of his goals.) The fourth element is more difficult to define and may not be necessary for everyone. We call it autonomy and will discuss it later (paragraphs 42-44).

人类有一种需求（可能有生物学基础），我们称之为“权力过程”。这与对权力的需要紧密相关（这一点得到了广泛承认）但并不完全一样。“权力过程”有四大要素。其中最明确的三个我们称之为目标、努力与目标实现。（每个人都需要目标，目标的实现需要努力，他至少需要成功实现一部分目标）第四个元素很难定义，未必对所有人都有必要。我们叫它自主并将在下文中加以讨论（第42-44段）。

Consider the hypothetical case of a man who can have anything he wants just by wishing for it. Such a man has power, but he will develop serious psychological problems. At first he will have a lot of fun, but by and by he will become acutely bored and demoralized. Eventually he may become clinically depressed. History shows that leisured aristocracies tend to become decadent. This is not true of fighting aristocracies that have to struggle to maintain their power. But leisured, secure aristocracies that have no need to exert themselves usually become bored, hedonistic and demoralized, even though they have power. This shows that power is not enough. One must have goals toward which to exercise one's power.

考虑一个假设的个人，他只要心念一动就能获得自己想要的一切。这个人有权力，但他将会遭受严重的心理问题。起初他将有很多的乐趣，但渐渐地他将极度无聊并且情绪低落。最终他有可能患上抑郁症。历史表明悠闲的贵族们往往会变得颓废。为了保持权力而征战不休的贵族并不会如此。但悠闲而安全、没有必要发挥自己能力的贵族通常会变得无聊，沉湎于享乐主义并意气消沉，即使他们掌握着权力。这表明权力本身是远远不够的。一个人必须有行使权力的目标。

Everyone has goals; if nothing else, to obtain the physical necessities of life: food, water and whatever clothing and shelter are made necessary by the climate. But the leisured aristocrat obtains these things without effort. Hence his boredom and demoralization.

每个人都有目标，首先是获得生活必需品：食物，水和与生活在特定气候区域所必须的衣服和住所。但有闲的贵族毫不费力就能获得这些东西。因此，他会感到无聊和意气消沉。

Nonattainment of important goals results in death if the goals are physical necessities, and in frustration if nonattainment of the goals is compatible with survival. Consistent failure to attain goals throughout life results in defeatism, low self-esteem or depression.

如果目标是生存必需品，未能获得重要目标就会导致死亡；如果目标对生存有益，未能获得目标就会使人感到受挫。在整个生活当中一直没能获得目标将会导致失败主义，自卑或抑郁症。

Thus, in order to avoid serious psychological problems, a human being needs goals whose attainment requires effort, and he must have a reasonable rate of success in attaining his goals.

因此，为了避免严重的心理问题，一个人需要一个耗费一定努力才能实现的目标，还必须有合理的目标实现成功率。

SURROGATE ACTIVITIES

替代性活动

But not every leisured aristocrat becomes bored and demoralized. For example, the emperor Hirohito, instead of sinking into decadent hedonism, devoted himself to marine biology, a field in which he became distinguished. When people do not have to exert themselves to satisfy their physical needs they often set up artificial goals for themselves. In many cases they then pursue these goals with the same energy and emotional involvement that they otherwise would have put into the search for physical necessities. Thus the aristocrats of the Roman Empire had their literary pretensions; many European aristocrats a few centuries ago invested tremendous time and energy in hunting, though they certainly didn't need the meat; other aristocracies have competed for status through elaborate displays of wealth; and a few aristocrats, like Hirohito, have turned to science.

但是并非所有有闲贵族都会变得厌倦而意气消沉。例如裕仁天皇就没有沉湎于颓废的享乐主义，而是投身于海洋生物学并取得了相当的成就。当人们不必为了满足物质需求而发挥能力时，他们经常为自己设定人为目标。在很多情况下他们为了追求这些目标而投入的精力与感情就像其他人为了获取物质必需品所进行的投入一样。因此罗马贵族会用文学修饰自己；几个世纪以前的许多欧洲贵族投入大量的时间与精力来打猎，尽管他们肯定不缺肉食；其他贵族则通过展示财富来进行社会地位的比拼；还有少数贵族转向了科学领域，例如裕仁天皇。

We use the term "surrogate activity" to designate an activity that is directed toward an artificial goal that people set up for themselves merely in order to have some goal to work toward, or let us say, merely for the sake of the "fulfillment" that they get from pursuing the goal. Here is a rule of thumb for the identification of surrogate activities. Given a person who devotes much time and energy to the pursuit of goal X, ask yourself this: If he had to devote most of his time and energy to satisfying his biological needs, and if that effort required him to use his physical and mental facilities in a varied and interesting way, would he feel seriously deprived because he did not attain goal X? If the answer is no, then the person's pursuit of a goal X is a surrogate activity. Hirohito's studies in marine biology clearly constituted a surrogate activity, since it is pretty certain that if Hirohito had had to spend his time working at interesting non-scientific tasks in order to obtain the necessities of life, he would not have felt deprived because he didn't know all about the anatomy and life-cycles of marine animals. On the other hand the pursuit of sex and love (for example) is not a surrogate activity, because most people, even if their existence were otherwise satisfactory, would feel deprived if they passed their lives without ever having a relationship with a member of the opposite sex. (But pursuit of an excessive amount of sex, more than one really needs, can be a surrogate activity.)

我们使用 “替代活动”这个名词来表示追求自行设立的人为目标的行为，人们之所以树立这些目标只是为了能够为之努力，或者说仅仅是为了追逐目标过程中的“满足感”。这是识别替代活动的关键。假设某人投入了大量时间和精力去追求目标x，你不妨问自己：如果他要投入大部分时间和精力来满足自己的生理需求，而且他需要以多种不同且有趣的方式发挥自己的体力与脑力，他是否会因为没能达到目标x而感到非常失落呢？如果答案是否定的，则此人对于目标X的追求就是替代活动。裕仁的海洋生物研究显然是替代活动，因为很肯定，如果裕仁要将他的时间花在有趣的非科学性任务上从而获取生活必需品，他不会因为自己不知道海洋动物的解剖结构和生命周期而感到失落。另一方面，性与爱的追求（打个比方）不是替代活动，因为大多数人即使在其他方面享受着令人满意的生活，如果终其一生没有与一名异性建立关系，依旧会感到失落。（但追求超出需要的过度性生活就是替代活动了）

In modern industrial society only minimal effort is necessary to satisfy one's physical needs. It is enough to go through a training program to acquire some petty technical skill, then come to work on time and exert very modest effort needed to hold a job. The only requirements are a moderate amount of intelligence, and most of all, simple OBEDIENCE. If one has those, society takes care of one from cradle to grave. (Yes, there is an underclass that cannot take physical necessities for granted, but we are speaking here of mainstream society.) Thus it is not surprising that modern society is full of surrogate activities. These include scientific work, athletic achievement, humanitarian work, artistic and literary creation, climbing the corporate ladder, acquisition of money and material goods far beyond the point at which they cease to give any additional physical satisfaction, and social activism when it addresses issues that are not important for the activist personally, as in the case of white activists who work for the rights of nonwhite minorities. These are not always pure surrogate activities, since for many people they may be motivated in part by needs other than the need to have some goal to pursue. Scientific work may be motivated in part by a drive for prestige, artistic creation by a need to express feelings, militant social activism by hostility. But for most people who pursue them, these activities are in large part surrogate activities. For example, the majority of scientists will probably agree that the "fulfillment" they get from their work is more important than the money and prestige they earn.

在现代工业社会中，只需付出很少的努力就足以满足自己的生理需求。只需要参加技能培训计划并学一点手艺，按时上下班，为了完成工作而投入最少的努力，这就足够了。唯一的要求是一般水平的智力以及单纯的服从，后者才是最重要的。如果你有这些特质，社会就会从摇篮到坟墓一直照顾你（的确，对于下层社会来说生存必需品的获得并不这么理所当然，但我们这里说的是主流社会）因此毫不奇怪的是，现代社会充满了替代活动。这些活动包括科研工作，运动成绩，人道主义工作，艺术和文学创作，企业升职，获取远远超出需要的金钱和物质财富直到它们无法带来任何额外的生理满足，还有参与社会活动，尽管活动所要解决的问题对于活动家个人来说并不重要，例如为了非白人少数族裔的权利而工作的白人活动家。这些行为并不总是单纯的替代活动，因为对很多人来说，他们的动机并不只是需要用来追求的目标。科学工作的动机可能是追求声望，艺术创作是为了表达感情，激进社会活动主义则受到了敌意的驱使。但对于大多数追求这些目标的人来说，这些活动在很大程度上是替代活动。例如，大多数的科学家们可能会同意他们从工作获得的“满足感”比他们所赚取的金钱和声望更重要。

For many if not most people, surrogate activities are less satisfying than the pursuit of real goals ( that is, goals that people would want to attain even if their need for the power process were already fulfilled). One indication of this is the fact that, in many or most cases, people who are deeply involved in surrogate activities are never satisfied, never at rest. Thus the money-maker constantly strives for more and more wealth. The scientist no sooner solves one problem than he moves on to the next. The long-distance runner drives himself to run always farther and faster. Many people who pursue surrogate activities will say that they get far more fulfillment from these activities than they do from the "mundane" business of satisfying their biological needs, but that it is because in our society the effort needed to satisfy the biological needs has been reduced to triviality. More importantly, in our society people do not satisfy their biological needs AUTONOMOUSLY but by functioning as parts of an immense social machine. In contrast, people generally have a great deal of autonomy in pursuing their surrogate activities. have a great deal of autonomy in pursuing their surrogate activities.

对于许多人（如果不是大多数人）来说，替代活动都不如追求真正的目标（也就是即使权力过程的需求已经满足之后依然希望获得的目标）那样令人满意。这一点的表现之一是，在许多或者大多数情况下，深入参与替代活动的人永远不会满足，从来没法休息。因此，商人不断致力于获取越来越多的财富。科学家刚解决了一个问题就又着手解决下一个。长跑运动员总是驱使自己跑得更远更快。很多追求替代活动的人会说他们从这些活动中得到的满足感远远多从“平凡”的工作或生理需求的满足，但是这是因为在我们的社会满足生理需求所需要的努力已经降低到了不值一提的程度。更重要的是，在我们的社会中，人们满足生理需求的方式并非自主，而是充当巨大社会机器零件。相反，在追求自己的替代活动时人们普遍有很大的自主性。

AUTONOMY

自主性

Autonomy as a part of the power process may not be necessary for every individual. But most people need a greater or lesser degree of autonomy in working toward their goals. Their efforts must be undertaken on their own initiative and must be under their own direction and control. Yet most people do not have to exert this initiative, direction and control as single individuals. It is usually enough to act as a member of a SMALL group. Thus if half a dozen people discuss a goal among themselves and make a successful joint effort to attain that goal, their need for the power process will be served. But if they work under rigid orders handed down from above that leave them no room for autonomous decision and initiative, then their need for the power process will not be served. The same is true when decisions are made on a collective bases if the group making the collective decision is so large that the role of each individual is insignificant [5].

自主性作为权力过程的一部分，可能并非对所有人都有必要。但是大多数人朝着自己的目标努力时都需要或多或少的自主。他们的努力必须由自己主动进行，并且必须遵从自己的方向，受自己的控制。然而，大多数人都不必非得作为单一个体发挥主动性、遵从方向并进行控制。通常只要作为一个小团体的一员就够了。因此，如果有五六个人彼此讨论共同的目标并且成功地联合努力来实现这一目标，他们对于权力过程的需求就会得到满足。但是如果他们在上级下发的死板命令下工作，毫无自主主动的空间，他们对于权力过程的需求就得不到满足。同样，当进行集体决策时，假如集体人数过多，每个个人的作用都微不足道 [5]，那么也会出现这种情况。

[5]，(Paragraph 42) It may be argued that the majority of people don't want to make their own decisions but want leaders to do their thinking for them. There is an element of truth in this. People like to make their own decisions in small matters, but making decisions on difficult, fundamental questions require facing up to psychological conflict, and most people hate psychological conflict. Hence they tend to lean on others in making difficult decisions. The majority of people are natural followers, not leaders, but they like to have direct personal access to their leaders and participate to some extent in making difficult decisions. At least to that degree they need autonomy

[5]（第42段）有人认为多数人都不想自己进行决策，而是更希望有领导者替他们思考。这话也有一定的道理。人们喜欢在小事上自行决策但是在困难而根本性的问题上进行决策必须面对激烈的心理冲突，而大多数人都讨厌心理冲突。因此他们更希望他人替他们进行困难决策。大多数人都是天然的跟随者而不是领导者，但是他们喜欢与自己的领导者保持直接联系并且部分参与困难决策的制定。至少在这种程度上他们还是需要自主性的。

It is true that some individuals seem to have little need for autonomy. Either their drive for power is weak or they satisfy it by identifying themselves with some powerful organization to which they belong. And then there are unthinking, animal types who seem to be satisfied with a purely physical sense of power(the good combat soldier, who gets his sense of power by developing fighting skills that he is quite content to use in blind obedience to his superiors).

的确，有些人似乎并不需要自主。可能他们的权欲并不强，或者他们通过从属于强大的组织来获得了满足感。还有一类不假思索的、动物般的人，似乎单纯的肉体权力感就能使其感到满足（优秀的士兵通过战斗技能来获得权利感，他对于盲从上级感到相当满意）。

But for most people it is through the power process-having a goal, making an AUTONOMOUS effort and attaining t the goal-that self-esteem, self-confidence and a sense of power are acquired. When one does not have adequate opportunity to go throughout the power process the consequences are (depending on the individual and on the way the power process is disrupted) boredom, demoralization, low self-esteem, inferiority feelings, defeatism, depression, anxiety, guilt, frustration, hostility, spouse or child abuse, insatiable hedonism, abnormal sexual behavior, sleep disorders, eating disorders, etc. [6]

但大多数人还是要通过权力过程——确立目标，自主努力，实现目标——来获得自尊，自信和权力感。当一个人没有足够的机会来经历整个权力过程的时候，将会导致（取决于个人条件和权力过程遭到中断的方式）无聊，士气低落，低自尊，自卑感，失败主义，抑郁，焦虑，内疚，沮丧，敌意，虐待配偶或子女，永不满足的享乐主义，不正常的性行为，睡眠障碍，进食障碍等 [6]。

[6]，(Paragraph 44) Some of the symptoms listed are similar to those shown by caged animals.

[6]（第44段）这里列出的一些症状类似于长期囚禁在笼中的动物所显示的症状。

To explain how these symptoms arise from deprivation with respect to the power process:

这里解释一下权力过程的剥夺如何导致这些症状的出现：

Common-sense understanding of human nature tells one that lack of goals whose attainment requires effort leads to boredom and that boredom, long continued, often leads eventually to depression. Failure to obtain goals leads to frustration and lowering of self-esteem. Frustration leads to anger, anger to aggression, often in the form of spouse or child abuse. It has been shown that long-continued frustration commonly leads to depression and that depression tends to cause guilt, sleep disorders, eating disorders and bad feelings about oneself. Those who are tending toward depression seek pleasure as an antidote; hence insatiable hedonism and excessive sex, with perversions as a means of getting new kicks. Boredom too tends to cause excessive pleasure-seeking since, lacking other goals, people often use pleasure as a goal. See accompanying diagram. The foregoing is a simplification. Reality is more complex, and of course deprivation with respect to the power process is not the ONLY cause of the symptoms described. By the way, when we mention depression we do not necessarily mean depression that is severe enough to be treated by a psychiatrist. Often only mild forms of depression are involved. And when we speak of goals we do not necessarily mean long-term, thought out goals. For many or most people through much of human history, the goals of a hand-to-mouth existence (merely providing oneself and one's family with food from day to day) have been quite sufficient.

根据对于人性的常识理解，缺乏需要努力才能实现的目标会导致无聊，而长期无聊最终往往会导致抑郁症。未能达成目标会导致挫折并降低自尊。挫折导致愤怒，愤怒导致攻击性，往往以虐待配偶或子女的形式表现出来。人们已经证明了长期持续的挫折通常会导致抑郁症，抑郁症往往会造成内疚，睡眠障碍，进食障碍和不良情绪。倾向患抑郁症的人寻求快感作为解药，因此导致了无法满足的享乐主义和过度性生活，变态行为也成为了获取新刺激的手段。无聊之所以容易造成过度享乐，还因为在没有其他目标的情况下人们经常将快感当做目标（请参阅附图）。前述是简化表述，现实更为复杂。当然权力过程的缺失并不是这里描述症状的唯一原因。顺便说一下，当我们提到抑郁症时，并不一定意味着严重到必须由精神科医生进行治疗的抑郁症。通常情况下只会出现轻微的抑郁症。我们所谓的目标也不必然意味着深思熟虑之后的长期目标。因为人类历史上的许多或大多数人都仅仅将糊口作为目标（为自己和自己的家庭获取日常的食物）。

SOURCES OF SOCIAL PROBLEMS

社会问题的根源

Any of the foregoing symptoms can occur in any society, but in modern industrial society they are present on a massive scale. We aren't the first to mention that the world today seems to be going crazy. This sort of thing is not normal for human societies. There is good reason to believe that primitive man suffered from less stress and frustration and was better satisfied with his way of life than modern man is. It is true that not all was sweetness and light in primitive societies. Abuse of women and common among the Australian aborigines, transexuality was fairly common among some of the American Indian tribes. But is does appear that GENERALLY SPEAKING the kinds of problems that we have listed in the preceding paragraph were far less common among primitive peoples than they are in modern society.

上述任何症状都可能发生在任何一个社会，但在现代工业社会中它们的存在规模尤其大。我们并非首先提出当今世界似乎正在发疯的人。这样的事情对于人类社会来说是不正常的。有充分的理由相信，与现代人相比，原始人所遭受的压力和挫折更少并更满足于自己的生活方式。的确，原始社会的生活也并非充满轻松与甜蜜。澳洲原住民经常虐待妇女，性变装在美国的一些印第安部落当中也相当常见。但总体来说，我们在上文各段当中列举的各种问题对于原始民族来说远不如在现代社会中那样常见。

We attribute the social and psychological problems of modern society to the fact that that society requires people to live under conditions radically different from those under which the human race evolved and to behave in ways that conflict with the patterns of behavior that the human race developed while living under the earlier conditions. It is clear from what we have already written that we consider lack of opportunity to properly experience the power process as the most important of the abnormal conditions to which modern society subjects people. But it is not the only one. Before dealing with disruption of the power process as a source of social problems we will discuss some of the other sources.

我们将现代社会的社会与心理问题归咎于以下事实：现代社会要求人们在一套截然不同的条件下生活，在这套条件下，人类种族的的生活和行为方式与早先条件下所养成的行为模式发生了冲突。我们在上文中明确认为缺乏恰当体验权力过程的机会是现代社会加诸于人们头上的最主要非正常条件。但这不是唯一的问题。在讨论作为社会问题来源之一的权力过程打断之前，我们将讨论其他几个来源。

Among the abnormal conditions present in modern industrial society are excessive density of population, isolation of man from nature, excessive rapidity of social change and the break-down of natural small-scale communities such as the extended family, the village or the tribe.

现代工业社会所造成的异常情况是人口密度过大，人与自然相隔离，社会变革过快的和突破以及自然小规模社区——如大家庭、村庄或部落——的瓦解。

It is well known that crowding increases stress and aggression. The degree of crowding that exists today and the isolation of man from nature are consequences of technological progress. All pre-industrial societies were predominantly rural. The industrial Revolution vastly increased the size of cities and the proportion of the population that lives in them, and modern agricultural technology has made it possible for the Earth to support a far denser population than it ever did before. (Also, technology exacerbates the effects of crowding because it puts increased disruptive powers in people's hands. For example, a variety of noise-making devices: power mowers, radios, motorcycles, etc. If the use of these devices is unrestricted, people who want peace and quiet are frustrated by the noise. If their use is restricted, people who use the devices are frustrated by the regulations... But if these machines had never been invented there would have been no conflict and no frustration generated by them.)

众所周知，人群聚集会增加压力与攻击性。目前的拥挤程度以及人与自然的隔离是技术进步的必然结果。所有前工业社会都以农村为主。工业革命极大增加了城市规模和城市人口比例，现代农业技术使人们有可能供养远比之前任何时代更为密集的人口。（此外，技术也加剧了人群聚集的影响，因为它将更强大的破坏力交给了人群。例如，现在存在着各种发出噪声的设备：电动剪草机，收音机，摩托车等。假如这些设备的使用不受限制，希望享受和平与安宁的人们就会因为噪音而感到沮丧。如果其应用受到限制，使用这些设备的人就会感到沮丧，但如果这些机器从来不曾问世，就不会造成冲突与沮丧。）

For primitive societies the natural world (which usually changes only slowly) provided a stable framework and therefore a sense of security. In the modern world it is human society that dominates nature rather than the other way around, and modern society changes very rapidly owing to technological change. Thus there is no stable framework.

对于原始社会来说，自然世界（通常只会进行缓慢的改变）提供了一个稳定的框架，因此他们有安全感。现代世界当中人类社会主导了自然而不是相反，而且由于技术变革现代社会的变化十分迅速。因此不存在稳定的框架。

The conservatives are fools: They whine about the decay of traditional values, yet they enthusiastically support technological progress and economic growth. Apparently it never occurs to them that you can't make rapid, drastic changes in the technology and the economy of a society with out causing rapid changes in all other aspects of the society as well, and that such rapid changes inevitably break down traditional values.

保守派是傻瓜：他们抱怨传统价值观的衰败，但同时又积极支持技术进步和经济增长。显然他们从来没有想到技术与经济快速而剧烈的变化必然导致所有其他社会方面的快速变化，这种快速变化又将不可避免地打破传统价值观。

The breakdown of traditional values to some extent implies the breakdown of the bonds that hold together traditional small-scale social groups. The disintegration of small-scale social groups is also promoted by the fact that modern conditions often require or tempt individuals to move to new locations, separating themselves from their communities. Beyond that, a technological society HAS TO weaken family ties and local communities if it is to function efficiently. In modern society an individual's loyalty must be first to the system and only secondarily to a small-scale community, because if the internal loyalties of small-scale small-scale communities were stronger than loyalty to the system, such communities would pursue their own advantage at the expense of the system.

传统观念的崩溃在一定程度上意味着维系传统小规模社会群体的纽带的崩溃。现代社会环境往往要求或诱使个人脱离自己的社区移动到新的地点，这一事实对于小规模社会群体的解体也有促进作用。除此之外，科技社会如果要有效地发挥作用，就必须削弱家庭关系和地方社区。在现代社会中个人首先必须忠于体系，其次才能忠于小规模社区，因为如果小规模社区的内部忠诚强于对体系的忠诚，这样的社区会牺牲体系来为自己追求好处。

Suppose that a public official or a corporation executive appoints his cousin, his friend or his co-religionist to a position rather than appointing the person best qualified for the job. He has permitted personal loyalty to supersede his loyalty to the system, and that is "nepotism" or "discrimination," both of which are terrible sins in modern society. Would-be industrial societies that have done a poor job of subordinating personal or local loyalties to loyalty to the system are usually very inefficient. (Look at Latin America.) Thus an advanced industrial society can tolerate only those small-scale communities that are emasculated, tamed and made into tools of the system. [7]

假设公职人员或公司的执行总裁任命他的表兄弟、他的朋友或者教友担任某职位而不是任命最能胜任这项工作的人。他将个人忠诚放在了体系忠诚之前，这就是“裙带关系”或“歧视”，这两项在现代社会中都是可怕的罪行。未能成功地将个人或地区忠诚置于体系忠诚之下的准工业社会通常是非常低效的（例如拉丁美洲）。因此，一个先进的工业社会只能容忍那些遭到阉割与驯服并被体系当做工具的小规模社区。 [7]

[7]. (Paragraph 52) A partial exception may be made for a few passive, inward looking groups, such as the Amish, which have little effect on the wider society. Apart from these, some genuine small-scale communities do exist in America today. For instance, youth gangs and "cults". Everyone regards them as dangerous, and so they are, because the members of these groups are loyal primarily to one another rather than to the system, hence the system cannot control them. Or take the gypsies. The gypsies commonly get away with theft and fraud because their loyalties are such that they can always get other gypsies to give testimony that "proves" their innocence. Obviously the system would be in serious trouble if too many people belonged to such groups. Some of the early-20th century Chinese thinkers who were concerned with modernizing China recognized the necessity of breaking down small-scale social groups such as the family: "(According to Sun Yat-sen) The Chinese people needed a new surge of patriotism, which would lead to a transfer of loyalty from the family to the state. . .(According to Li Huang) traditional attachments, particularly to the family had to be abandoned if nationalism were to develop to China." (Chester C. Tan, Chinese Political Thought in the Twentieth Century," page 125, page 297.)

[7]（第52段）少数被动内向的群体，例如阿米什人，可能会部分例外于这一原则，这些群体对于更广泛的社会影响不大。除此之外，在美国确实存在一些真正的小规模社区，例如青少年团伙和“邪教”。所有人都认为他们很危险，他们也的确如此，因为这些群体的成员主要忠于彼此而不是体系，因此体系无法控制他们。拿吉普赛人举例。吉普赛人往往不会因为盗窃和欺诈行为遭受惩处，因为他们忠于彼此，其他吉普赛人总是可以 “证明”自己的清白。显然，如果这类群体成员太多，该体系将面临很大的麻烦。二十世纪初期一些关心中国现代化的中国思想家认识到有必要打破小规模社会群体，如家庭：“（孙中山认为）中国人民需要接受新一轮的爱国主义影响，这将使得忠诚从家庭向国家转移……（李璜认为）如果中国的国家主义想要得到发展，就不得不放弃传统的牵绊，特别是家庭的牵绊。”（Chester C. Tan, Chinese Political Thought in the Twentieth Century，第125页，第297页。）

Crowding, rapid change and the breakdown of communities have been widely recognized as sources of social problems. but we do not believe they are enough to account for the extent of the problems that are seen today.

人们广泛认为人群聚集与社区的快速变化瓦解是社会问题的根源。但是我们不认为仅凭这些就足以造成今天我们所见的如此严重的问题。

A few pre-industrial cities were very large and crowded, yet their inhabitants do not seem to have suffered from psychological problems to the same extent as modern man. In America today there still are uncrowded rural areas, and we find there the same problems as in urban areas, though the problems tend to be less acute in the rural areas. Thus crowding does not seem to be the decisive factor.

有几座工业社会之前的城市也十分庞大而拥挤，但是其中的居民似乎并没有遭受像现代社会成员那样严重的心理问题。今天的美国依然存在着人口稀少的农村地区，在那里也出现了与城市地区类似的问题，尽管程度上没有这么剧烈。因此人群聚集似乎并不是关键因素。

On the growing edge of the American frontier during the 19th century, the mobility of the population probably broke down extended families and small-scale social groups to at least the same extent as these are broken down today. In fact, many nuclear families lived by choice in such isolation, having no neighbors within several miles, that they belonged to no community at all, yet they do not seem to have developed problems as a result.

在十九世纪不断推进的美国边疆，人口流动性对于大家庭与小社区的破坏作用至少与今天一样强。实际上许多核心家庭都是自愿选择隔离生活的，几里以内没有邻居，不属于任何社区，但他们似乎也没有出问题。

Furthermore, change in American frontier society was very rapid and deep. A man might be born and raised in a log cabin, outside the reach of law and order and fed largely on wild meat; and by the time he arrived at old age he might be working at a regular job and living in an ordered community with effective law enforcement. This was a deeper change that that which typically occurs in the life of a modern individual, yet it does not seem to have led to psychological problems. In fact, 19th century American society had an optimistic and self-confident tone, quite unlike that of today's society. [8]

进一步来说，美国边疆社会的发展也十分快速而深刻。某人可能生长于木屋中，不受法律秩序的制约，以野物为主食。而到老时他可能已经有了稳定的工作，生活在法律约束的社区当中。与典型现代人在一生中遭遇的变化相比，这种变化更为深刻，但是看起来似乎也没有导致心理问题。实际上，十九世纪的美国社会基调乐观而自信，与今天大不相同。[8]

[8]. (Paragraph 56) Yes, we know that 19th century America had its problems, and serious ones, but for the sake of breviety we have to express ourselves in simplified terms.

[8] 的确，我们清楚十九世纪的美国也存在着自己的问题，而且还十分严重。但是为了方便讨论起见我们在这里姑且简化一下实际情况。

The difference, we argue, is that modern man has the sense (largely justified) that change is IMPOSED on him, whereas the 19th century frontiersman had the sense (also largely justified) that he created change himself, by his own choice. Thus a pioneer settled on a piece of land of his own choosing and made it into a farm through his own effort. In those days an entire county might have only a couple of hundred inhabitants and was a far more isolated and autonomous entity than a modern county is. Hence the pioneer farmer participated as a member of a relatively small group in the creation of a new, ordered community. One may well question whether the creation of this community was an improvement, but at any rate it satisfied the pioneer's need for the power process.

我们认为这其中的区别在于现代人（基本有理地）感到变化是强加在他身上的，而十九世纪的边疆开拓者则（也同样基本有理地）感到他自己造成了变化。开拓者定居在自己选择的地点，并用自己的努力将其改造成农田。当时一个郡县里往往只有几百户居民，这个郡县的孤立性与自主性也远远超过今天的郡县。因此，开拓边疆的农夫参与了一个相对较小的团体并创建了一个新的有秩序社区。这种社区的创立算不算进步尽管可以讨论，但无论如何开拓者的权力过程得到了满足。

It would be possible to give other examples of societies in which there has been rapid change and/or lack of close community ties without the kind of massive behavioral aberration that is seen in today's industrial society. We contend that the most important cause of social and psychological problems in modern society is the fact that people have insufficient opportunity to go through the power process in a normal way. We don't mean to say that modern society is the only one in which the power process has been disrupted. Probably most if not all civilized societies have interfered with the power ' process to a greater or lesser extent. But in modern industrial society the problem has become particularly acute. Leftism, at least in its recent (mid-to-late -20th century) form, is in part a symptom of deprivation with respect to the power process.

变化迅速且/或缺乏密切社区纽带但却没有像今日工业化社会那样发生大规模行为异常的社会可能还有其他例证。我们意图说明现代社会当中社会与心理问题的最主要原因就是人们没有足够的机会来正常地完成权力过程。我们并不认为现代社会是唯一一个打断权力过程的社会。很可能绝大多数文明社会都会在不同程度上干涉权力过程。但是在现代社会这个问题尤为尖锐。左派主义，或者起码说最近形式（二十世纪中后期）的左派主义，正是权力过程剥夺所导致的症状的一部分。

DISRUPTION OF THE POWER PROCESS IN MODERN SOCIETY

现代社会对于权力过程的打断

We divide human drives into three groups: (1) those drives that can be satisfied with minimal effort; (2) those that can be satisfied but only at the cost of serious effort; (3) those that cannot be adequately satisfied no matter how much effort one makes. The power process is the process of satisfying the drives of the second group. The more drives there are in the third group, the more there is frustration, anger, eventually defeatism, depression, etc.

我们将人类的欲望分为三类，（1）可以通过最少努力得到满足的欲望；（2）需要付出大量努力才能满足的欲望；（3）无论如何努力也无法充分满足的欲望。权力过程满足的是第二种欲望。第三类欲望越多，人们就越发沮丧愤怒，最后则会发展成失败主义与抑郁症。

In modern industrial society natural human drives tend to be pushed into the first and third groups, and the second group tends to consist increasingly of artificially created drives.

现代工业社会倾向于将人类的自然欲望推向第一类与第三类，第二类欲望则越发人为化。

In primitive societies, physical necessities generally fall into group 2: They can be obtained, but only at the cost of serious effort. But modern society tends to guaranty the physical necessities to everyone [9] in exchange for only minimal effort, hence physical needs are pushed into group 1. (There may be disagreement about whether the effort needed to hold a job is "minimal"; but usually, in lower- to middle-level jobs, whatever effort is required is merely that of obedience. You sit or stand where you are told to sit or stand and do what you are told to do in the way you are told to do it. Seldom do you have to exert yourself seriously, and in any case you have hardly any autonomy in work, so that the need for the power process is not well served.)

在原始社会，物质需求一般属于第二类，必须付出大量努力才能获取。现代社会在倾向于保证令所有人 [9] 都能用最小努力换取物质必需品，因此物质需求就被推到了第一类。（有人可能并不认为保住工作只需要“最小化”的努力；但是一般来说，中低层工作所要求的只是服从而已。只需要在规定地点站着或坐下，根据指定的方式完成指定的任务。在工作中基本上没有自主，因此对于权力过程的需求也就没有得到满足。）

[9]. (Paragraph 61) We leave aside the underclass. We are speaking of the mainstream.

[9]（第61段）我们这里忽略了下层阶级，只讨论社会主流。

Social needs, such as sex, love and status, often remain in group 2 in modern society, depending on the situation of the individual. [10] But, except for people who have a particularly strong drive for status, the effort required to fulfill the social drives is insufficient to satisfy adequately the need for the power process.

社会需求，例如性、爱与社会地位，在现代社会中往往属于第二类，当然这还要取决于每个个人的具体情况。[10] 但是，除非某人对于社会地位有着特别强大的欲望，满足社会欲望所需的努力依然不足以充分满足权力过程的需要。

[10]. (Paragraph 62) Some social scientists, educators, "mental health" professionals and the like are doing their best to push the social drives into group 1 by trying to see to it that everyone has a satisfactory social life.

[10]（第62段）有些社会科学家、教育者、“精神健康”专业人士以及其他类似人物正在竭力将社会欲望推入第一类，从而使所有人都能拥有满意的社会生活。

So certain artificial needs have been created that fall into group 2, hence serve the need for the power process. Advertising and marketing techniques have been developed that make many people feel they need things that their grandparents never desired or even dreamed of. It requires serious effort to earn enough money to satisfy these artificial needs, hence they fall into group 2. (But see paragraphs 80-82.) Modern man must satisfy his need for the power process largely through pursuit of the artificial needs created by the advertising and marketing industry [11], and through surrogate activities.

因此属于第二类的特定人为需求就被创造了出来，借以满足权力过程的需要。广告与营销的发展使人们觉得他们需要他们的祖父母们做梦也没有想过的东西。他们需要花大力气挣钱来满足这些人为需求，因此这些需求就归于了第二类。（见80-82段）现代人想要满足权力过程的需要就必须主要依靠追求由广告与营销工业创造出来的人为需求 [11] 以及替代行为。

[11]. (Paragraphs 63) Is the drive for endless material acquisition really an artificial creation of the advertising and marketing industry? Certainly there is no innate human drive for material acquisition. There have been many cultures in which people have desired little material wealth beyond what was necessary to satisfy their basic physical needs (Australian aborigines, traditional Mexican peasant culture, some African cultures). On the other hand there have also been many pre-industrial cultures in which material acquisition has played an important role. So we can't claim that today's acquisition-oriented culture is exclusively a creation of the advertising and marketing industry. But it is clear that the advertising and marketing industry has had an important part in creating that culture. The big corporations that spend millions on advertising wouldn't be spending that kind of money without solid proof that they were getting it back in increased sales. One member of FC met a sales manager a couple of years ago who was frank enough to tell him, "Our job is to make people buy things they don't want and don't need." He then described how an untrained novice could present people with the facts about a product, and make no sales at all, while a trained and experienced professional salesman would make lots of sales to the same people. This shows that people are manipulated into buying things they don't really want.

[11]（第63段）对于获取物质的无尽欲望是否真是广告和营销行业的人为创造呢？当然，人并没有与生俱来的获取物质欲望。在许多文化中，人们对于物质必需品之外的物质财富并没有多大兴趣，以满足他们的基本生理需求（澳大利亚原住民，传统墨西哥农民文化，一些非洲文化）。另一方面，在工业革命前，获取物质行为作用重大的文化也有许多。因此，我们不能说当今以获取物质为导向的文化完全就是广告和营销行业的创造。但很显然，广告和营销行业对于这种文化的创造有着重大的作用。如果没有确凿证据表明如此大手笔的开支一定能增加销量，大公司是不会花费数百万美元做广告的。一名FC成员几年前遇到了一个销售经理，此人坦率地告诉他，“我们的工作是让人购买他们不想要且不需要的东西。”然后他描述了一个未经训练的新手如何向人们介绍关于产品的事实却卖不出去，而一个训练有素，经验丰富的专业销售员却可以面向同一批人打开销路。这表明人们在操纵之下购买了他们并不真正想要的东西。

It seems that for many people, maybe the majority, these artificial forms of the power process are insufficient. A theme that appears repeatedly in the writings of the social critics of the second half of the 20th century is the sense of purposelessness that afflicts many people in modern society. (This purposelessness is often called by other names such as "anomic" or "middle-class vacuity.") We suggest that the so-called "identity crisis" is actually a search for a sense of purpose, often for commitment to a suitable surrogate activity. It may be that existentialism is in large part a response to the purposelessness of modern life. [12] Very widespread in modern society is the search for "fulfillment." But we think that for the majority of people an activity whose main goal is fulfillment (that is, a surrogate activity) does not bring completely satisfactory fulfillment. In other words, it does not fully satisfy the need for the power process. (See paragraph 41.) That need can be fully satisfied only through activities that have some external goal, such as physical necessities, sex, love, status, revenge, etc.

《论工业社会及其未来》

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